In his deconstruction of, as quoted verbatim from its title, the role of new media for the democratization process in the Arab World, Marks Sabadello targets the literal understanding of the the terms that precede “Revolution” in those bold square quotes. They are, as Sabadello notes, “catchy-sounding terms”, and “[suggest] a strong role of the respective Internet services”. But what these technologies have done are allow for new ways of strong dissenting voices to communicate with other minds, for platforms and for people to people contact across vast distances. While this might strengthen the revolution and bring more people into it, it by no means started the revolution.
What “Twitter” and “Facebook Revolution” insinuate is a gross oversimplification of the ignorance or resolve of the nation’s people, and an exaggeration of the necessity of the West’s invention in inciting movement, or the power in which these “weapons” might overcome authoritarian regimes, as specifically assumed to the more recent phase in New Media. The old adage involving a squeaky wheel is applicable: word-of-mouth and the West’s involvement in generating memes (cross-pollinating internet productivity, where activism meets slacktivism) lend significant credence to the smaller ratio of the population that are actually taking to social media sites to lend their voice.
Sabadello provides a report by the United States Institute for Peace on “New Media in Contentious Politics” that outlines several levels of new media influence that can be distinguished:
- Individual Transformation: New media can affect politics via the effects they have on individuals, their competencies and their political views, e.g. new participants can be recruited to a movement.
- Intergroup Relations: New media can promote or undermine the bonding of group members to one another, and the bridging of members of different groups.
- Collective Action: New media can be used to initiate and organize collective action, such as marches or demonstrations.
- Regime Policies: New media can help established regimes to maintain their power in various ways, such as through censorship or counter-propaganda.
- External Attention: Information about a movement such as its ideologies and goals can be published to a wide audience, both domestically and internationally. This can happen in the form of manifestos, statements, demands, images or videos on web sites or social networking services. As a consequence, political sympathy or hostility from outside actors can be mobilized.
All of which does suggest an increase in social movement and recruitment, while also outlining the kinds of political action that pushed forth #jan25, wherein Twitter (and Facebook) users took to gather mass protests on January 25, 2011, gathering more than 80,000 clicks and more, considering the West’s interest into the news. Which leads back to the biggest issue when discussing the revolution-- any revolution-- simply by the means in which people take action. What caused the revolution? Not Twitter, nor Facebook. These terms are not applied to the revolution flippantly, but the understanding of their connection (and weight) suggest so. These new modes of media will always be subject to their government, as they were during the Arab Spring and before it.
“Twitter” nor “Facebook” are not experiencing a revolution; they are being manipulated to suit another one, but they themselves are subject to government interference, and little political movement on their own part. A mere handful of people (large in number, but small potatoes in theory) took to circumventing restrictions to call forth to their neighbors, and we heard it around the world. It says something about our ability to hear it, to study it, and for people to have a voice, a rebellious one; but it says nothing of their struggle, or why they are taking action now. We* just now have the means to tune in**.
*you, me, the government, Egyptians, Chinese, etc.
**get tuned out, per government’s request